"Esta segunda edición de la versión española es precedida de un prólogo que confronta las tesis originales del libro con los acontecimientos más recientes, especialmente el movimiento de Chiapas, cuyo examen ocupa la mayor parte de dicho prólogo y tiene un valor en sí como análisis. Según el autor, aquellas tesis (agotamiento de la vía revolucionaria, función reformista de la izquierda) quedan corroboradas, lo cual no impide que puedan reclamarse condiciones más justas dentro del esquema imperante"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.
The book examines the major issues in South Africa's history, from the colonial conquest of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, through the establishment of racism, segregation and apartheid, to the spirit of reform, resistance and repression of the 1980s and, now, in this new edition, the first democratic elections in April 1994. With the break up of institutional apartheid, perspectives on recent South African history have undergone a significant shift. Nigel Worden examines these changes and assesses developments within the new South Africa in a wide historical context, providing a sharp, analytical overview for all those interested in modern South African history and politics.
"This work, written by an expert in the politics of Mainland China and Taiwan, looks at the role the Constitution of the Republic of China has played in the development of Taiwan since 1949 and its potential influence on the People's Republic of China. The Chinese Communists conducted the first long march for the sake of the majority of Chinese people, with the victory of MAO Zedong. In the second long march, CHIANG Kai-shek and his successors tried to convert the Chinese mainland from a Communist, totalitarian system, into a democratic, prosperous one by relying on the spirit of the Republic of China (ROC) constitution and by setting itself as a good example, in gradually guaranteeing freedom and democracy. Needless to say, this march is long and difficult. The Second Long March challenges other models and theories on the study of the relationship between the ROC (Taiwan area) and mainland China or the People's Republic of China (PRC) since China became politically (as opposed to legally) divided in December 1949. Arguably, it is the ROC Constitution that has helped ROC citizens to live in a non-Communist or anti-Communist political system. Actively promoting democracy and freedom on the Chinese mainland (neidi) can further guarantee the Taiwan area's survival. The book will provide valuable scholarship of interest to anyone researching the political history of China and its prospects for democratization."--Bloomsbury Publishing.
The strength and prestige of democracy worldwide at the end of the twentieth century are due in good measure to the impact of America on international affairs, argues Tony Smith. Here for the first time is a book that documents the extraordinary history of American foreign policy with respect to the promotion of democracy worldwide, an effort whose greatest triumph came in the occupations of Japan and Germany but whose setbacks include interventions in Latin America and Vietnam. As Americans ponder the challenges of world affairs at the end of the Cold War, Smith suggests that they think back to other times when Washington's decisions were critical: not only to the end of the World Wars in 1918 and 1945, but to the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898 and the Civil War in 1865 as well. They will find that in the aftermath of victory, Washington determined to win the peace by promoting a concept of national security calling ultimately for democratic government in Europe, Latin America, and the Far East. So the Congress set out to "reconstruct" the South in 1867; America aimed to democratize the Philippines in 1898; Wilson sought to "make the world safe for democracy," first in Latin America and then, after 1918, in Central and Eastern Europe; FDR and Truman dictated the democratization of Japan and Germany and called for democracy in Eastern Europe after 1945; Kennedy promoted the Alliance for Progress in Latin America; Carter launched his human rights campaign; Reagan (the most Wilsonian of Wilson's successors) heralded an international "democratic revolution"; Bush called for a "new world order"; and Clinton declared that "our overriding purpose must be to expand and strengthen the world's community of market-based democracies.". Through a study of selected countries - most notably Germany, Japan, the Philippines, the Dominican Republic, Iran, and Nicaragua (but also Mexico, Chile, Guatemala, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Greece, South Africa, and Russia) - Smith reviews the American record both in local terms and with respect to its impact on world politics. Smith's story is at once that of the central thrust of American foreign policy in the twentieth century, and that of the central international political struggle of the period among nationalists wedded to rival ideologies of fascism, communism, and democracy, each striving to dominate world affairs. Now that this struggle appears to be over, the question is whether democracy can consolidate its position as the sole legitimate form of government worldwide, so creating a common form of government to express the nationalist sentiments that continue to be the hallmark of this century.
