by Susan Hutson and David Clapham (2000)
The last two decades have seen a marked increase in homelessness in Britain. This book provides an important contribution to the policy debate on homelessness, while pointing the way forward in terms of academic research.
Richard Britnell
"As the first volume in the Economic and Social History of Britain series, this book analyses the economic and social history of both Britain and Ireland between 1050 and 1530. It is unique in its integrated coverage of Scotland, Wales, and Ireland as well as England at this time."--BOOK JACKET.
Anne de Courcy
Margot Asquith was perhaps the most daring and unconventional Prime Minister's wife in British history. Known for her wit, style and habit of speaking her mind, she transformed 10 Downing Street into a glittering social and intellectual salon. Yet her last five years at Number 10 were a period of intense emotional and political turmoil in her private and public life. In 1912, when Anne de Courcy's book opens, rumblings of discontent and cries for social reform were encroaching on all sides - from suffragettes, striking workers and Irish nationalists. Against this background of a government beset with troubles, the Prime Minister fell desperately in love with his daughter's best friend, Venetia Stanley; to complicate matters, so did his Private Secretary. Margot's relationship with her husband was already bedevilled by her stepdaughter's jealous, almost incestuous adoration of her father. The outbreak of the First World War only heightened these swirling tensions within Downing Street. Drawing on unpublished material from personal papers and diaries, Anne de Courcy vividly recreates this extraordinary time when the Prime Minister's residence was run like an English country house, with socialising taking precedence over politics, love letters written in the cabinet room and gossip and state secrets exchanged over the bridge table. By 1916, when Asquith was forced out of office, everything had changed. For the country as a whole, for those in power, for a whole stratum of society, but especially for the Asquiths and their circle, it was the end of an era. Life inside Downing Street would never be the same again.
Mary Beth Norton
"Focusing on the first half-century of English settlement - approximately 1620 to 1670 - Mary Beth Norton looks not only at what colonists actually did but also at the philosophical basis for what they thought they were doing. She weaves theory and reality into a tapestry that reveals colonial life as more varied than we have supposed. She draws our attention to all early dysfunctional family extending over several generations and colonies.". "The basic worldview of this early period, Norton demonstrates, envisaged family, society, and state as similar institutions. She shows us how, because of that familial analogy, women who wielded power in the household could also wield surprising authority outside the home. We see, for example, Mistress Margaret Brent given authority as attorney for Lord Baltimore, Maryland's Proprietor, and Mistress Anne Hutchinson, who sought and assumed religious authority, causing the greatest political crisis in Massachusetts Bay.". "Norton also describes the American beginnings of another way of thinking. She argues that an imbalanced sex ratio in the Chesapeake colonies made it impossible to establish "normal" familial structures, and thus equally impossible to employ the family model as unself-consciously as was done in New England. The Chesapeake, accordingly, became a practical laboratory for the working out of a "Lockean" political system that drew a line between family and state, between "public" and "private." In this scheme, women had no formal, recognized role beyond the family. It is this worldview that eventually came to characterize the Enlightenment and that still looms large in today's culture wars."--BOOK JACKET.
Richard H. Mitchell
The term "structural corruption" is often used when discussing modern Japan's political system - a system that forces politicians to exchange favors with businessmen in return for funds to finance their political careers. Scholars argue that the origins of corruption can be found in the "iron triangles" formed by politicians, bureaucrats, and businessmen during the postwar era or during the Pacific War years. This book, however, illustrates that structural corruption originated in the prewar era. In his examination of malfeasance in public office, Richard Mitchell systematically surveys political bribery in Japan's historical and cultural contexts from antiquity to the present. His narrative serially considers the scandals involving courtiers in the ancient imperial government, corruption among the shogun's samurai officials, and political bribery among businessmen, bureaucrats, and party politicians since the inauguration of Western forms of government in the mid-nineteenth century. Mitchell concludes that, despite a history of moral restraints and antibribery laws, bribery was as ubiquitous in premodern Japan as it has been in recent times. Focusing on the period since 1868, Mitchell discusses in fascinating detail changes in political bribery in the wake of suffrage expansion, estimates of the enormous amount of campaign money needed to win a Diet seat in both the prewar and postwar periods, and the low conviction rate of suspected takers of bribes. Furthermore, Mitchell points out what is typical and atypical in the Japanese experience by comparing it with that of China, Korea, England, and the United States. Here is a highly readable and reliable survey of an important yet largely neglected topic in English-language studies of Japanese political history.