Japan among the powers, 1890-1990

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Tanya Reinhart

As the mortar sets on the first sections of Israel's security fence, international scrutiny has brought the legality of the barrier before The Hague. In this updated edition of a popular seller, Israeli scholar Tanya Reinhart extends her critique to the most recent chapter of this decades-old conflict, exploring the history of the contested region and casting the barrier-which the World Bank has estimated might isolate 250,000 Palestinians and annex 10 percent of West Bank land-as a stark symbol of the conflict itself. In Israel/Palestine, Reinhart traces the development of the Security Barrier, and Israel's new doctrine of "disengagement," launched in response to a looming Palestinian-majority population. Examining the official record of recent diplomacy, including U.S--brokered accords, and talks at Camp David, Oslo and Taba, Reinhart explores the fundamental power imbalances between the negotiating parties, and identifies Israel's strategy of creating facts on the ground to define and complicate the terms of any future settlement. In this indispensable primer, Reinhart's searing insight illuminates the current conflict and suggests a path toward change. Tanya Reinhart is a professor of linguistics and cultural studies at Tel Aviv University and at the University of Utrecht. She is most well known academically for her contribution to theoretical linguistics. In 1994, following the Oslo agreements, which she viewed as a painful deception of the Palestinian people and the ratification of a sophisticated Apartheid regime, she turned to political writing. She has had a regular critical column in Israel's largest daily, Yediot Aharonot, and her writings have appeared in print around the world.

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Anne Marie Rafferty

Based on substantial new research and drawing on government and professional records, The Politics of Nursing Knowledge looks at how nurse education has been shaped by wider social attitudes towards gender and class. In a critical reappraisal of Florence Nightingale's vision of nursing, Anne Marie Rafferty explores the implications of Nightingale's belief that nursing training should be regarded as an education of character rather than an intellectual discipline. Analysing the relationship between nursing and associated professions, the author traces the evolution of training and policy-making from the origins of hospital reform in the 1860s to the start of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948. Examining the contemporary issues affecting nursing, The Politics of Nursing Knowledge questions the extent to which the notion of a 'profession' is compatible with the career patterns and lifestyle opportunities of the majority of nurses, who are women. Looking to the future of nursing as an academic discipline, the final chapter asks whether an intellectually self-confident culture can emerge or whether the contradictions of professionalism and the health care system will prevent nursing from achieving its full potential.

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Michael Kazin

Our Constitution promises a government of the people, by the people, and for the people - but who are "the people"? And who can honestly claim to speak for "the people"? Here, in the first comprehensive history of populism in our nation, Michael Kazin examines the strange career of populist politics from the era of Thomas Jefferson to the era of William Jefferson Clinton. Once identified with the dispossessed, the poor and exploited workers from farm and factory, populism in recent years has been brought to the forefront of the political landscape, embraced by the likes of Ronald Reagan and Jesse Jackson and glibly applied to figures ranging from Bruce Springsteen to Rush Limbaugh. Kazin calls populism an impulse rather than an ideology. He defines it as a mode of political persuasion that combines anti-elitism, adoration of the common people (usually defined as hardworking, pious, and, until quite recently, white), and a belief in the American ideal of democracy that the power brokers in business, government, and academia have betrayed. Kazin argues that populism has undergone two major transformations since the defeat of the People's Party, the original Populists, in the mid-1890s. The first was a split between those who viewed "the people" as a group belonging above all to God and those who viewed ordinary Americans in primarily economic terms. The second, an ongoing shift to the Right, began in the McCarthy era. The movement was transformed by the onset of the Cold War, the ideological mellowing of the labor movement, and the New Left's self-imposed alienation from the American mainstream. In the 1960s, George Wallace showed how to attract blue-collar Democrats with populist rhetoric. Then Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan captured and refined populist themes for the benefit of the Republican Party. Kazin shows that the Right's conception of a struggling middle class beset by an inept, immoral state remains vigorous and limits what Bill Clinton or anyone to his left can accomplish. The Populist Persuasion unrolls a fascinating narrative of our country's history, richly endowed with examples demonstrating the flexibility of populist rhetoric. Bringing to life the powerful voices of past leaders, Kazin shows how they both inform the political debates of our own time and point with hope toward a future in which the country will live up to its original democratic ideals.

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Jack Goldsmith

Conventional wisdom holds that 9/11 sounded the death knell for presidential accountability. In fact, the opposite is true. The novel powers that our post-9/11 commanders in chief assumed--endless detentions, military commissions, state secrets, broad surveillance, and more--are the culmination of a two-century expansion of presidential authority. But these new powers have been met with thousands of barely visible legal and political constraints--enforced by congressional committees, government lawyers, courts, and the media--that have transformed our unprecedentedly powerful presidency into one that is also unprecedentedly accountable. These constraints are the key to understanding why Obama continued the Bush counterterrorism program, and in this light, the events of the last decade should be seen as a victory, not a failure, of American constitutional government. We have actually preserved the framers' original idea of a balanced constitution, despite the vast increase in presidential power made necessary by this age of permanent emergency.--Publisher description.